How Progressives Could Build Back Better

Towards the end of October, Compass held an event series entitled “Build Back Better: How?”. A lot of good content to chew over from a range of voices talking about a range of ideas. In this post I attempt to weave together just some of what seem to be the most salient issues on the progressive agenda for a post-pandemic UK.

Giving People a Voice

A greater role for citizens in decision-making was one such recurring theme. In particular, Citizens’ Assemblies have gained a lot of traction in recent years, off the back of seemingly successful experiments in Ireland and elsewhere. Stuart White, an academic, talked attendees through the reasons for a CA (namely the desire to move on from referenda) and the advantages of the CA process.

The advantages include providing a route for politicians to reform the political system while avoiding the conflict of interest associated with changing the rules of the game – that is, the rules of their own game. For example, the voting system or House of Lords reform.

Picture of people in a conference room.
Photo by Christina Morillo on Pexels.com

And anything the CA recommends will be more legitimate. Not driven by party political interests but rather the national interest, deliberative democracy in the form of CAs offer legitimacy in a way that transcends partisan agendas. Indeed, once implemented, these decisions would be difficult to overturn by politicians who simply didn’t like them.

CAs also offer a way for political groups to resolve internal disputes. Think EU exit for the Conservative Party, or electoral reform for progressive parties.

Sarah Allan from Involve, who helped run Climate Assembly UK this year, offered more practical benefits of CAs. Done right, they allow citizens with diverse experiences and backgrounds from right across the breadth of society to contribute to decision-making. The participants themselves enjoy an experiential benefit of contributing to decisions that affect them. And to other citizens, CA recommendations will inherently be treated more favourably than just another policy report from the Westminster bubble.

However, I noted CAs are not without their disadvantages. Most obviously, the Climate Assembly UK’s recommendations were non-binding. Decisions ought to be made ultimately by politicians who can be held accountable at the ballot box. White offered a formula of CA + referendum on final recommendations, which might side-step the involvement of politicians altogether. Though of course it was the messiness of referenda that a CA sought to avoid in the first place…

I did note a deeper criticism could be parsed from the contribution of Amy McDonnell, a representative from the campaign for the Climate and Ecological Emergency Bill. Whilst supportive of CAs, she argued that Climate Assembly UK didn’t go far enough in terms of scope and scale. The CEE Bill would ask a CA to work on an earlier deadline than the government, and also consider adaptation and biodiversity loss. It made me realise setting the right question, premise, scale and scope for CAs are also important for their legitimacy.

Good Leadership

Maybe we ought to make sure we elect the kind of leaders who set the right terms of reference. There was an event dedicated entirely to leadership and what ‘good leadership’ might look like.

Jamie Driscoll, Metro Mayor of North of Tyne, pointed out that a lot of what we hate to see in our politicians – needless hostility, aggression, constant need to undermine each other – owes a lot to the system in which they operate. Our House of Commons has been designed specifically for the two major parties to face off against each other. Our party system itself encourages tribalism. Our media thrives on conflict, so are only too happy to facilitate us-versus-them discourses.

A complete overhaul of this environment is probably setting our sights too high right now. In the meantime, however, we could try to change our expectations of our leaders. We should encourage politicians who are willing to admit when they’re wrong, willing to work with others, and show compassion and empathy. The ‘chest-thumping toxic macho culture’ of Westminster got a lot of mentions across all events, but so did Jacinda Ardern, Prime Minister of New Zealand, illustrating what might be possible.

Picture from NZ news source with the headline reffering to Jacinda Ardern's response to Christchurch attacks
Prime Minister Ardern’s response to terrorist attacks received widespread attention (source)

Practically, this would mean a lot more reaching out to communities and the third sector. At the national level, this could mean involving advocacy organisations in CAs, but also a greater role for third parties (academics? advocates? trade unions?) in regular policy development. But perhaps more pressingly, central government should be willing to devolve to, and work with, local government.

And even at the local level, there is scope to reach out. The borough of Barking & Dagenham has invested heavily in a social infrastructure that incorporates third sector organisations linked to community residents, quite contrary to traditional bureaucratic structures. Council Leader Darren Rodwell explained this allowed them to respond much more quickly, and comprehensively, to the coronavirus pandemic than the levers pulled by central government. Surely this example is worth emulating by councils elsewhere?

A Domestic and Global Vision

An event based on globalisation underscored the point that any party – not just progressive ones – need to have a global vision as well as a domestic one. This is a corollary of living in an international system where decisions in other countries, or at the international table, impact us here (and vice versa). In no area is this more urgent than climate action, which also had its own panel.

Picture of a globe with a face mask
Photo by Anna Shvets on Pexels.com

Domestically, this year we have seen all sectors of society – communities, businesses and government – engaging in rapid, complete change in operations. The emergence of Mutual Aid groups, factories churning out PPE, and a partnership of fiscal and monetary policies to stabilise employment were just some of the examples given by Andrew Simms, Coordinator of the Rapid Transition Alliance. If we can muster up so much momentum, so quickly, in the midst of a lockdown, just imagine what we could do for the climate?

A renewed progressive vision for the country can go further. The Climate and Ecological Emergency Bill charts a blueprint more ambitious (and more substantive) than our current strategy. Attendees also heard from representatives from two intriguingly simple yet radical campaigns. One wanted to reclaim public space from corporate advertisers, to replace ads with whatever local residents would like to see more of instead. The other campaign wants to remove all cars from city life – even electric ones!

But decarbonisation and climate mitigation is a global crisis – in cause and effect. In truth there are some things we have little control over (political leadership in the major polluters for instance) but there are certain things we do have control over: our soft power, the values we demonstrate, and our leadership by example. Examples include the carbon budgeting method and the statutory Net Zero target.

A progressive vision for the world would have to be much more radical, in the literal sense of the term: going to the core of the international system and reforming it root and branch. Existing international organisations in their current incarnations – the UN, IMF, et al – have a sketchy record in facilitating climate action, or indeed other progressive causes. And they’re distant from the citizens of the world, even the citizens of the major powers which are accused of manipulating them for their own purposes.

Graphic showing European countries hold disproportionate voting power in the IMF.
Based on 2015 data. Is this democratic? (source)

Whether reformed or overhauled, a progressive international system would require organisations which allowed more countries a say, as well as a more direct say for citizens. The academic Dena Freeman asked attendees to imagine a global parliament, for example, or the ability to petition for a particular issue akin to Citizens’ Initiatives. Such massive changes must necessarily be accompanied by a greater awareness of the international system and global citizenship education.

This is where I might get quite sceptical. Educating the public is easier said than done for issues of everyday relevance, let alone global politics. But I noted a sound-bite from Lisa Nandy MP, Labour spokeswoman for foreign affairs: “globalisation isn’t working for working people”, referring to the unexpected political developments we’ve seen in recent years. Maybe this sort of imaginative thinking is exactly what would allow people to ‘take back control’?

Plenty of food for thought all around. I look forward to seeing how the narratives around these ideas evolve as progressive parties start eyeing the next election. And of course I equally look forward to writing about these ideas in greater detail in the future.


Links to Event Recordings

Learning About the Childcare System

As the events of this year have unfolded, the popular, media and political attention has focused on health care and social care, and quite justifiably so. What has not been given as much attention is childcare. That is, until a few recent reports and articles have explored the subject. In this blog, I want to share what I’ve learned about the childcare system so far, and some initial reflections.

Picture of a toddler playing
Photo by Kraken Images on Pexels.com

Government is not the only provider

According to one source, childcare “was in a crisis before the crisis”. Government provided childcare was already not enough to cater for everyone’s needs before everything changed. Free childcare for 3-4 year-olds only extends to certain families for 30 hours a week, 38 weeks per year. The remainder of parents’ needs have to be met out of pocket. Only about 57% of British local authorities had enough places to cover children last year.

The gaps in childcare provision left by government have been filled by two different sorts of childcare providers, apparently depending on what kind of neighbourhood you live in: private/independent providers for parents in affluent areas; parents in poorer areas were more restricted in their choice to charities.

Let’s look at the private companies first. You might think that having to pay fees for nurseries would lead to better quality childcare (like how private schooling should lead to better grades). According to at least one report, this is not the case. While a lot of the private providers are small businesses and childminders, an increasing number of them are international chains, backed by big money.

These companies are driven by the concern for profits, rather than the care for children. The staff tend to be unqualified workers on short term contracts, including students, who are cheaper than more qualified staff on longer contracts. This combination of low pay, low qualifications and transience doesn’t seem to be a great approach to childcare.

A feminized workforce

Perhaps the most important aspect of the workforce, as a whole, is that 97% of it is female. Childcare is gendered. If it’s not outsourced to external (female) carers, it’s done at home, predominantly by mothers. This creates an interesting dynamic. Working parents (of whom it is usually the mother taking such decisions) who can’t take care of their children hand it off to (mostly) other women.

But if children stay at home, where most care is undertaken by mothers, they then have to juggle their regular work with care. If the (mostly) female care providers lose business this way, they can lose their jobs.

Picture of a woman trying to work with kids playing in the background
Photo by Ketut Subiyanto on Pexels.com

In other words, there is a double-burden to women in the event of a shock to the system.

Enter Corona

By now you will realise this is not just a hypothetical. With the first lockdown, incomes of providers were hit hard, and working mothers took on a good chunk of extra work looking after children. The drop in providers’ incomes were only somewhat mitigated by government relief schemes (the implementations of which were complex and confusing to providers).

When parents were returning to work, care providers were not given adequate financial or material support to ensure safe environments for children. Around 30% of providers were reliant on parents paying (at least some) fees throughout the period they were not using their services to stay afloat, as well as meet the costs of protective equipment. Relying on parents’ generosity – and incomes – is far from sustainable.

In a survey conducted in July, most working mothers responded that they do need care to continue regular work, but only about half of them were getting what they needed. Consequently, working hours have had to be cut back and about half of working mothers who were expecting to lose their jobs blamed the lack of childcare.

The decline in parents’ demand, lack of support from government, and restrictions on how many children can be accommodated have led to significant strain in the system. Somewhere between a fifth and a quarter of providers were estimated to be operating at a ‘significant deficit’ during lockdown, and about a quarter of providers are predicted to close within a year (a third in poorer areas).

Levelling up childcare

I’m still learning about how the childcare system works (or, you know, doesn’t work), but a recurring theme seems to be how childcare is such a jumbled-up system of funding, provision and quality because it isn’t seen as an essential element of social infrastructure, but should be, as it is in other European countries.

Graph showing gross and net childcare costs for EU countries, as a percentage of women's median earnings. The UK is ahead of all other countries.
OECD report showing that, both before and after taxes/benefits, childcare costs in the UK were ahead of other European countries in 2019.

The contrast to schools is often made, such as in the differing levels of commitment to providing protective equipment. But remember that there isn’t a large chunk of schools that are explicitly driven by profits located only in the more affluent areas; charities only left to pick up the slack in the poorer areas. Most schooling is provided by the state free at the point of use in a nationally standardised manner, not discriminating by parental income or working status. Other options exist alongside it, not in place of it.

The comparison to schooling is made to convey the notion that, like education, childcare is a vital service and can go a long way towards the positive social, emotional and cognitive development of children. Moreover, for working parents, there may not be an alternative. So why are they treated so differently?

Bearing all this in mind, it’s little surprise to me that beyond the calls to plug the immediate funding gaps, the ‘bigger picture’ reform proposal is for childcare to be made a universal public service, like schooling, free at the point of use. If fees are introduced, there should exist substantial assistance for low income households.

In doing so, the government would recognise childcare as a necessary element of our social infrastructure and in the process:

  • reduce unfair disparities in availability of provision which accentuate pre-existing social mobility gaps
  • provide the service at an affordable (or no) price, doing away with barriers to access
  • implement national standards and regulation, both of the quality of care and of working conditions
  • directly elevate an area of society whose function (or dysfunction) disproportionately impacts on women

Too much to ask for?

The question this raises is: if we’re finding it difficult to fund what little state provision that exists already, how on earth are we going to fund a universal service?

What we ought to remember is that the government wouldn’t just be throwing money into a void. The money spent on workers would contribute to greater disposable income, and the greater provision of childcare would help parents return to work (or work more).

Both these instances would result in the recycling of money in the economy, contributing to growth and finding its way back to the Treasury in the form of income and consumption taxes. So at least some of the investment would ‘pay for itself’.

In the longer term, children would be given a better start in life and would grow up to contribute to society and the economy more productively.

You can trust someone who seems to have done all the modelling and come up with a nice figure to prove it’s worth the cost. But personally, I think the case is overwhelming even if we can’t estimate the exact numbers.


Sources and Related Reading

Articles:

Pre-pandemic reports and research:

Briefings and reports on the financial impact of the pandemic:

Policy proposals: